This database includes speeches, interviews, etc., by Fidel Castro from 1959 to 1996. All texts are in English.
31 March 2019 | Latin American Information Center | Castro Speech Data Base
Published Hawkins Bay Dispatch
This database includes speeches, interviews, etc., by Fidel Castro from 1959 to 1996. All texts are in English.
If you would like more recent speeches or texts in Spanish, please consult Discursos e Intervenciones de Fidel Castro, which has texts in a variety of languages starting with 1998, Discursos: Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores at the Cuban Foreign Ministry, orDiscursos y otras intervenciones de Fidel Castro.
You can search the Castro Speech Data Base by using the box above, or you can browse the collection by date using the links to the right.
“Castro Speech” is a database containing the full-text translations of speeches, interviews, and press conferences by Fidel Castro, based upon the records of the Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS), a U.S. government agency responsible for monitoring broadcast and print media in countries throughout the world. These records are in the public domain.
On 26 February 1941, President Roosevelt directed that $150,000 be allocated for creation of the Foreign Broadcast Monitoring Service (FBMS) under the authority of the Federal Communications Commission.
The mandate of the FBMS was to record, translate, transcribe and analyze shortwave propaganda radio programs that were being beamed at the United States by the Axis powers. Its first monitoring station was established in October 1941 in Portland, Oregon.
It monitored, translated, and disseminated within the U.S. government openly available news and information from media sources outside the United States. Its headquarters was in Rosslyn, Virginia 38.8959°N 77.0727°W, later Reston, Virginia 38.955°N 77.359°W, and it maintained approximately 20 monitoring stations worldwide.
In November 2005, it was announced that FBIS would become the newly formed Open Source Center, tasked with the collection and analysis of freely available intelligence.
The Department of Research of the Radio Martí Program, part of the U.S. Information Agency, undertook the task of digitizing FBIS reports from 1959 through the end of the 1980s. FBIS records are now produced online and updates to the Castro Speech database have been made electronically.
The files are organized by year and with files named according to the date of the speech, interview, or event (e.g., 13 July 1987 = 19870713).
If there are two or more events on the same date, files are named sequentially by adding extensions (e.g., 19870713.1, 19870713.2, etc.).
The convention has been to name files in accordance with the date of the event; however, file names may vary in that the date of the event, date of the broadcast, and date of the report are often different and inconsistencies will occur.
There are several caveats that users should keep in mind:
- It is not to be construed that this database contains all statements, speeches, and interviews made by Fidel Castro.
- There is no guarantee that all FBIS records have been acquired and entered into the database. Further, FBIS corrections of original transcriptions have not been incorporated into the database.
- For critical research needs, it is suggested that users compare the text of FBIS translations with an original source such as the newspaper Granma, the Granma Archives Index, or other collections of speeches by Fidel Castro, such as the Discursos e Intervenciones de Fidel Castro collection.
Original Link: Fidel Castro Speech Database
CASTRO OUTLINES SUPPORT FOR OTHER REVOLUTIONS
[Report on Prime Minister Castro's speech by Jesus Suarez Moreno; Havana, Verde Olivo, Spanish, 5 August 1971, pp 51-55] "Today in Bolivia there is not a single revolutionary who believes that any other road can exist than that of armed revolution, and there is no one who does not understand that that road is precisely the one pointed out by Che," said Maj Fidel Castro Prime Minister of the Revolutionary Government and first secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba, in summarizing an emotional act of solidarity with the Cuban revolution. The legendary Plaza Cadenas at the University of Havana again served as the meeting place for revolutionary demonstrations of combat. Young people from the farthest corners of the earth came together with Cuban students in order to spend a beautiful day of solidarity, not only with Cuba, but with all oppressed peoples. The gathering was the result of an initiative taken by young delegates from more than 30 countries, enroute through our country to Valparaiso, Chile, to attend a meeting of Latin and North American youth for solidarity with the Indochinese peoples. The World Federation of Democratic Youth (FMJD) and the International Union of Students (UIE) organized the event. The gathering drew its meaning from simple but fervent contributions by student and youth delegates, described by Maj Fidel Castro as beautiful speeches with profound revolutionary meaning. All the orators emphasized their complete support for the Cuban revolution, for the Latin American peoples, and especially for the heroic Bolivian people who are not waging open battle against fascist and proimperialist forces. Special attention was given to the single delegate of the Indochinese peoples, who drew the greatest applause, while in the background could be heard the chorus, "Cuba, Vietnam, united we will overcome." A few minutes later, a young South Vietnamese girl, Phan Min Hien, addressed the crowd. Her voice and her message symbolized the most beautiful example of human dignity; from her high fighting parapet, she united us all. Reference to the most heroic guerrilla of all time was not missing. All stood to pay homage to Che, who once again inspired the most revolutionary and the purest sentiments. The the spokesman for Cuba, the president of the FEU [Federation of University Students], Nestor del Prado, announced the decision of Cuban students to fight shoulder-to-shoulder alongside the Bolivian people, on the very soil where Che and his comrades shed their blood. Almost 2 hours had already passed when the Cuban student leader spoke. Before him had come Angelo Oliva, president of the World Federation of Democratic Youth; Fathi el Fadle, vice president of the UIE; Eugenio Tiazheinikov, secretary general of the Leninist Konsomol of the USSR and representative of youth in the Movement for the Liberation of Angola; the associate secretary general of the Communist Party of France, Jean Michel Catala; and the secretary general of Communist Youth of Argentina, Hector Santana. The first part of the meeting having ended, all awaited Fidel's words. In the name of the various revolutionary movements, Maj Fidel Castro began his discourse by praising the solidarity of the peoples of the world with the Cuban revolution. The Prime Minister pointed out the value that this solidarity has for Cuban revolutionaries, who see themselves faced with the arduous and difficult task of bringing to fulfillment "our revolution at the very doorstep of the Yankee empire." "And naturally," said Fidel, "if you compare the correlation of forces between imperialism and our country, you can understand perfectly why our people, capable of paying any price for its right to independence, for its right to revolution; our people who would be willing to die while fighting to defend its revolution, have been able to depend on arms and economic and technical support from the socialist camp, mainly from the Soviet Union, to carry on this hard and difficult struggle." He recalled how that feeling of solidarity has been essential for the very existence of the revolution during the past 12 years, and he emphasized that this rhetoric was not simply "beautifully expressed conceptions," but, for the Cuban people, already part of their own education in international and revolutionary feelings. Along this line he underlined the growing deep sympathy for the heroic people of Vietnam, who are an example to the rest of the world. "Vietnam has repaid the solidarity of the world in the form of a priceless service: the lesson it has given imperialism, the knowledge that it has offered to the peoples, the faith that it has instilled in the combatants of the entire world, that the empire is not invincible." As proof of what international solidarity signifies today in a world in which imperialism resorts constantly to the use of force, of violence, Maj Fidel Castro mentioned the declarations, expressed by the occasion's orators, of solidarity with the peoples who are struggling today on different continents: in Africa, including Angola, Mozambique, so-called Portuguese Guinea, the Arabic nations, heroic Palestine, and peoples such as those of South Africa, who have to endure the oppression of exploiting and racist minorities; in the United States itself, where revolutionary fighters are victims of brutal repression, such as George Jackson, who was recently assassinated; with the Chilean people, the Peruvians, and other brothers of Latin America; in Asia, with a Korea divided by the presence of imperialist armies. Then he referred broadly to the recent fascist coup in Bolivia which stirred "revolutionary feeling and the conscience of our continent." As instigators of the coup, Fidel blamed Yankee imperialism, backed by the military dictatorships of Brazil and Paraguay; the participation of Argentina was also evident. "The facts, that is, the fascist intentions, the fascist coup in Bolivia surprised absolutely nobody. It was something expected as inevitable. The Bolivians themselves knew about it. The Bolivian delegation attending the 26 of July, made up of workers, student, and peasant representatives, all knew the imminent danger of the coup. they also knew that the people could depend on only one garrison: the Colorados Regiment under the command of Maj Ruben Sanchez. But they were determined to fight." The Prime Minister pointed out that the coup took place at a time of rising anti-imperialist and revolutionary movements on the continent: in Chile, the Popular Unity government; in Peru, a nationalist government that is promulgating laws such as the nationalization of oil and agrarian reforms which go against the capitalist and oligarchic structures; in Uruguay, a struggle which is more and more being resolved on two planes: armed resistance and in a legal struggle in which a broad front which has great possibilities of overthrowing the oligarchy is being organized. It is logical that, faced with this situation, imperialism would hasten to aim a blow at the weakest link, in this instance, Bolivia. And, emphasized the Prime Minister, it is not only a coup against Bolivia, but also against the peoples of Chile, Uruguay, and Peru, and, to a more or lesser degree, against all the peoples of Latin America. Fidel referred to the repression by the Bolivian forces which caused hundreds of wounded and dead among the people who defended themselves valiantly in spite of not being able to count on sufficient arms. "That massacre," he said, "reminds us of those years when our university buildings were also being attacked by the police, of the heroic actions of the students, of their pitched battles with the police, beneath the bullets, beneath the blows, under repression; battles that moved the country even if they were completely disarmed; they were the prelude to the heroic attack on the Presidential Palace on 13 March, the day the glorious leader of the Federation of University Students, Jose Antonio Echeverria, died. "And what was the answer from our people? What could be the only answer from our people! War! War on any field where it becomes necessary!" Fidel recalled how dozens of unarmed young people, students, peasants, faced the fiery of the omnipotent police, falling under the bullets, and learning with their very flesh what the class hatred of the imperialists meant. "Until the day when our unarmed people tired of receiving beatings and shootings. Until that day! Until the day when they decided to answer violence with violence, until the day when they decided to answer arms with arms. "The message of our revolution to our sister nations of Latin America is essentially that. And," he specified, "it is not that we support violence for the sake of violence, armed struggle for the sake of armed struggle. It is not that we hold dogmatic positions, disregarding all other forms of struggle. No!" He explained how the Cuban revolution grasped the possibilities of the triumph of the popular movement in Chile and also understood the intelligent combination that the Uruguayans have developed from the different forms of struggle. A good example of lack of dogmatism, Fidel pointed out, was the fact that this country understood the new events in Peru from the very beginning. There, a group of military men are undertaking a nationalistic and patriotic process. We saw what was happening as a positive thing and we supported it. Maj Fidel Castro detailed: "In that way, the revolution has demonstrated its lack of dogmatism. And it has demonstrated its capacity to appreciate all positive elements of a situation, and the revolutionary contradictions that can be developed at any given time in any country on our continent." He recalled that right after the guerrilla movement led by Che in Bolivia, imperialists,and pseudorevoltitionaries used it as an argument to fight the idea of armed revolutionary struggle. "They thought that the revolution in Bolivia had been definitively stamped out! After Che had written one of the most beautiful pages of solidarity, of disinterest that a revolutionary can write! And he wrote it with guns in his hand, he wrote it even with his pen, leaving us the legacy of his diary, with that objectivity, with that value and with that serenity which always characterized him! And with his blood!" Che's battle, his death, contributed to the extraordinary awakening of the people of Bolivia. An in that country, "there is not a single revolutionary who believes that any other road can exist except that of armed revolution, precisely the road pointed out by Che." Maj Fidel Castro expressed his conviction that the fascist government of Bolivia could not hold out and that revolutionaries will struggle until they take power. "And it is the duty of all revolutionaries to offer support and moral and material encouragement to the struggle of the Bolivians, and against the threat that imperialism and reaction have launched against the revolutionary movement." In another part of his speech before the young people and students gathered in the Plaza Cadenas, the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba reiterated the well-known position of the revolutionary government concerning the United States and its absolutist Organization of American States, the sadly notorious OAS: "For better or for worse, Cuba will never join the OAS," said Fidel, denouncing the imperialist maneuvers which, noticing the revolutionary sentiment growing in the continent, now even try to authorize some governments of Latin America to approve Cuban entrance into the OAS and to establish relations with Cuba. "The policy of the Cuban revolution is well established; it will accept relations only with governments which are independent, with governments capable of opposing Yankee dictates, with governments ready to demonstrate authentic national sovereignty and independent." But, in order to have relations with us authorized, Fidel added, we have "to paint ourselves as 'good guys'"; we are witnessing another unusual thing: the intention of picturing Cuba as tranquil, as a nation which would not express any support of the revolutionary movement in Latin America. "And there is no way to convince, there are no words in the dictionary to explain to the imperialist 'gentlemen' that we are not nor will we be 'good guys.' And since they know that solidarity with the revolutionary movement -- that solidarity which the revolution has expressed and will continue to express, has maintained and will continue to maintain, as was said 26 July, as long as one single Latin American country remains under imperialist domination -- is the reason measures were taken against Cuba, we wish to tell them in all clarity that we are not one whit repentant, and that the road we have followed so far is the road we will continue to follow. So, imperialist gentlemen, gentlemen of the OAS, we do not agree to your painting us as 'good guys.' For we wish to, and are determined to continue, being the 'bad guys' in the eyes of the reactionaries and imperialists." Concerning rumors abroad about an approach to, or the possibility of reestablishing relations with the United States, the Commander in Chief was once again precise and clear. Fidel reiterated Cuba's position, which totally rejects any kind of negotiations with or approach to the imperialist government of the United States. Besides, he clarified that this position concerning the government at Washington had nothing to do with the natural sympathies of the Cuban people for the rising struggles of the American people. "We do not harbor any chauvinistic feelings, we do not preach hatred toward that people, and we distinguish fully between the people and the imperialist government of the United States. "So, our position toward the imperialist government is quite clear: we have nothing to negotiate with the imperialist government of the United States! Debts to the imperialist government? Mines, Cuban soil, natural resources, banking institutions, factories, commercial prerogatives which were recovered for the people? Those goods cannot be paid for, should not be paid for, and will never be paid for! Never will we pay even one symbolic penny to the imperialists who exploited us and extracted millions from our sweat and from our blood. It is quite clear. "It is not we who owe them. It is they who owe us for the immense material and human damage they have caused us with their blockades and economic aggression and repeated political and military misdeeds." Concerning the blockade, Maj Fidel Castro said that there was nothing to talk about because the Yankee imperialists did not discuss it with Cuba when they were going to impose it. "So," he emphasized, "our position concerning the imperialist government of the United States is very clear: we have nothing to negotiate with them! And less because of their position of strength, less because of their position as a blockading country toward a blockaded country, And this we must say with all clarity: whenever they feel like it, if they feel like it -- and it does not worry us a great deal -- the day that they want to remove their blockade and cease all measures against Cuba, they must do it unconditionally and without discussing one single word with us." Before ending his speech, which was repeatedly applauded by the multitude of young people and students, Maj Fidel Castro referred to Cuba's commitment to the peoples of the world. "You can tell our brothers all over the world that Cuba will not fail." Fidel praised the broad solidarity of revolutionary movements and pointed out that "solidarity will be repaid with solidarity, with revolutionary loyalty." He ended by telling the representatives of world youth on our continent of the importance that the solidarity and the support of young people and students from all over the world have for the peoples of Latin America, and especially for Bolivia. -END-